Having a cross-disciplinary approach, as Lindhoff and Rydholm believe, the transforming of media in global age in china, leads us to look over the whole process during the time. Evidently, the concept of ownership is a significant requirement to discuss about the media. Although “ownership” seems, somehow, unclear in a socialist culture, Lindhoff and Rydholm use the term transition which discloses the gradual converting process from major political ownership to a market financial dependent one. ( Lindhoff and Rydholm, 2007) As Xin’s argues what has taken place in China is instead ‘commercialization without independence’ or ‘liberalization without political democratization’. (Xin, 2006)
Ownership of the media
When it comes to ownership of the media, (it should be kept in mind that most of the time the media has been considered as a core political useful resource since 1949) two outlooks seems more probable: firstly, to watch over from economic market dependencies plus secondly, unresolved contradiction between “freedom of speech” and “censorship” or on the other word, between “press freedom” and “party-state control”.
Within the next step, this transition of social reforming as Lindhoff and Rydholm refer to Zhengrong and Yunhong, is visible in three levels: marketization, conglomeration and capitalization. In the first action, marketization announces that financial earnings from advertising and audience fees make certain party-state media independent through state support. In the second action we are dealing with the concept of media-market oligopoly that declares a transition within investment of foreign media. Ultimately, in a greater step, capitalization can lead to an integration of Chinese media as a capital based one. Apart from, in the case of China because of state dominance, superiority, it is controversial to say that the media are going to join global markets, as much disputable as to believe that authoritarian program can reach the pace of global developments.
In the other part, some scholars believe that marketization is not related to reduction of party-state domination. Brady in her delicate analysis within the role of CCP, central propaganda on Chinese media, states that it seems to be no contradiction between an industry economy as practiced in Cina and the continuance of the one-party state. (Brady, 2006)
Major changes within Chinese Media toward globalization
As mentioned above, it is controversial to say how the media in china, certainly, gets commercialized. But , there are some changes that ought to take into account. Many scholars point to Chinese language entry to World Trade Corporation as the main development toward commercialization. ” China’s WTO entry offers accelerated the structural reforms”. (Ekecrantz, 2007) Zhang also points out that will China’s entry into the World Trade Organization has made researchers more and more interested in the interaction between Chinese television and the rest of the world (Zhang 2006).
Within the analysis of institutional modifications in Chinese television, in the framework of decentralization, Su claims exactly the same idea as Zhang about the changes in Chinese media and specifically local television after joining WTO, but he continues this point by a critical viewpoint about the motion applied by state (State Management of Radio, Film, and Tv (SARFT) in 2003) to stop several broadcasting groups or generally stop “a policy of media conglomeration” as he states: “The central government’s analysis of the operation and change for better of the broadcasting system was inadequate because it failed to consider local situations. ”
(Su, 2006: 43) Amongst a case study of Whitecanal town, a small city in northern component of China, Su emphasizes on a subtle confirmation of this claim through the turmoil between city bureau and town television station. (Su, 2006)
Appropriately, China integration with the global capitalist market after the WTO admission, can be considered a Big “paradox” by Ekecrantz, because the continuous authoritarian political rule by the party and state. (Ekecrantz, 2007)
“Another major development in Chinese language television that has attracted scholarly attention is the so-called government led push towards ‘industrialization'” (Zhang, 2006: 28)
In the year 2002 the ministers of SARFT, announced a plan with regard to future broadcasting development in The far east in the so called ‘media industrialization’ guidelines. Zhang’s prediction is that with applying these policies the broadcasting construction will change to a two central and provincial levels. She delicates industrialization reform as a new opportunity to create integrated media groups, both in generating and broadcasting radio and tv programs, and spreading their company into wider areas. (Zhang, 2006)
Ekecrantz, with putting emphasize around the role of media in what he or she calls” in other worlds” believes how the media can contribute to a particular modernity, “a society’s particular institutionalization from the processes of modernization and globalization. ” ( Ekecrantz, 2007: 117) Zhang conclusion indicates a delicate point that in the case of China, ( in contrary to Islamic countries that will globalization is seen as a cultural threat) workers in a local television channel “describe globalization as a commercial reality”, thus, “foreign”, in this case, does not have whatever to do with cultural matters.
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(Zhang, 2006: 38)
There is no doubt that will in party-state countries as well as Tiongkok, politics have essential role in social life. Hallin and Macini believe that in these group of countries the particular influence of the political field on the media should be strong. (Hallin plus Macini, 2005). But some others, greater than state, blame the Western world that is “possesses or controls almost all of the planet’s media and they mostly show the particular negative side of China to the Traditional western audiences. ” (Brady, 2006: 71)
Even though some western scholars state that Chinese media are strongly under state domination, some Chinese scholars concern their claims. For instance Brady declares that the content of the Chinese visual and print media is more and more similar to that found in most other nations in the world, with a focus on mass consumerism and entertainment although the effects of political propaganda on the media is indisputable, but encouraging